Diplomacy's Dark Art: Identifying Terrorists

when diplomacy identifies terrorists

Diplomacy plays a crucial role in the global effort to combat terrorism, and this is especially evident in the context of the War on Terror. Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, the United States has increased its engagement with African governments, leading to a complex interplay of military responses and criticisms of hegemonic international attention to the region. This dynamic is exemplified in Mali, where US diplomatic communications from 2006 to 2010 revealed a disconnect between the nuanced assessments of US diplomats on the ground and the counterterrorism policies that were ultimately pursued, influenced by the Malian government's priorities. The failure of counterterrorism policy in Mali by 2012 underscores the significance of diplomacy in shaping the understanding of issues, subjects, and threats, which in turn informs policy decisions. Furthermore, diplomatic missions are vital in conflict prevention, mediation, and identifying and preventing terrorism, as seen in the efforts to cut off financial support to terrorists and implement counterterrorism finance training programs.

Characteristics Values
Region West Africa, Vietnam, Philippines
Countries Mali, Morocco, US
Terrorist Groups GSPC (Al Qaeda in the Maghreb), Al-Qaida
Counterterrorism Policy Denial of territory, freezing of assets, financial controls, counterterrorism finance training
Diplomatic Role Conflict prevention, mediation, identification and prevention of terrorism
Challenges Military securitization of subjects, territory, and borders, racial representations, hegemonic international attention

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US counterterrorism policy in Mali

The deteriorating security situation in Mali, along with dissatisfaction over government corruption and ineffectiveness, led to two military coups in 2022. The ruling junta has responded by consolidating its authority and relying more on the VDP (Volunteer Defense Forces) and drones to combat jihadist groups. However, indiscriminate targeting during counterterrorism operations has resulted in civilian deaths.

To address the jihadist threat, Mali has employed counterterrorism strategies, but these have been criticised as incompatible with achieving strategic counterinsurgency victory. There are concerns that the Malian government is an untenable counterterrorism partner, unwilling or unable to address security and governance issues. As a result, the US and its allies may seek alternative approaches to counterterrorism in the region.

One development in Mali's counterterrorism landscape is the presence of the Wagner Group, a Russian private military company. The Malian government has contracted Wagner, mirroring Russia's use of PMCs (private military contractors) in other Sub-Saharan African countries. However, Wagner's inexperience and poor preparation in countering local threats suggest that they are unlikely to successfully eliminate the jihadist threat in Mali or address underlying governance issues.

The withdrawal of French and allied forces, along with the entry of Wagner, raises questions about the future of counterterrorism efforts in Mali and the potential impact on neighbouring Sahelian states. While Wagner's operations are unlikely to spill over into neighbouring countries, Russia may pursue additional deployment agreements in the region. The situation in Mali underscores the complex dynamics of counterterrorism policy, where local governments' influence, security challenges, and external interventions shape the response to the evolving terrorist threats in the Sahel.

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The role of embassies in counterterrorism

Embassies play a critical role in counterterrorism efforts. They serve as the eyes and ears of their respective governments, gathering information and intelligence that can help identify and prevent potential terrorist threats. This was evident in the case of Mali, where US diplomats based in Bamako produced nuanced and detailed assessments and recommendations, although these were ultimately ignored in favour of a military-led approach.

The US Department of State's Bureau of Counterterrorism (CT) works to promote US national security by coordinating strategies and approaches with international partners to defeat terrorism abroad. This includes strengthening law enforcement and judicial capabilities, enhancing border security, and deepening global information sharing. Embassies are key to facilitating these efforts, providing a physical presence and a platform for diplomatic engagement in host countries.

A key function of embassies in counterterrorism is to build and maintain relationships with local governments, security forces, and communities. This enables information sharing, collaboration, and the development of joint strategies to address specific terrorist threats. For example, NATO's counter-terrorism efforts include assisting and advising local security forces, such as the Iraqi security forces and institutions through NATO Mission Iraq. Embassies can also help to strengthen local capacities to prevent and respond to terrorist incidents, for instance, by providing training and equipment to local law enforcement and first responders.

Additionally, embassies play a crucial role in promoting international cooperation and information exchange. They facilitate the sharing of intelligence, best practices, and technologies among partner countries to enhance global counterterrorism capabilities. This includes participation in multilateral organisations and initiatives, such as NATO's Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, which involves intelligence-sharing and operational engagement. Embassies also contribute to counterterrorism efforts by issuing travel advisories and alerts, providing information to help protect citizens travelling abroad, and assisting in evacuation and crisis response efforts in the event of a terrorist attack.

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Terrorist safe havens

A terrorist safe haven is an area of relative security that is exploited by terrorists to indoctrinate, recruit, coalesce, train, and regroup, as well as prepare and support their operations. These safe havens can be physical or virtual.

Physical safe havens

Physical safe havens are often found in under-governed, ungoverned, or ill-governed territories, or in regions where ineffective governance allows their presence. Examples include the Afghanistan border, the Triborder region of South America, the Celebes Sea in Southeast Asia, and Somalia. In 2015, Somalia's Federal Government remained committed to regional counterterrorism efforts to eliminate al-Shabaab's access to safe havens in the country. Despite this, al-Shabaab managed to establish new safe havens and re-infiltrate areas that had been cleared by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). This was due to the lack of capacity and resources of the Somali government to fill security voids left in the wake of AMISOM's operations. Mali is another example of a country with ungoverned, under-governed, and ill-governed areas that terrorist groups have exploited to organize, plan, raise funds, communicate, recruit, train, and operate in relative security.

Virtual safe havens

With the advent of the Internet and global media, terrorists can now conduct many of the same functions that once required physical safe havens, without the associated security risks. These "virtual" havens are highly mobile and difficult to track and control. Terrorists exploit electronic infrastructure for recruitment, training, planning, resource transfer, and intelligence collection.

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Hegemonic international attention to West Africa

Hegemonic powers have long dictated the political and social landscape of West Africa, with the region being a key arena for international political contestation and domination. The historical context of European colonialism and imperialism has left a significant impact on the region, influencing the dynamics between external powers and the developing nations of West Africa.

The involvement of hegemonic powers in West Africa has been driven primarily by their national interests, as they exert influence over the internal politics and societal character of the region. This influence is often facilitated through the imposition of the hegemon's language, which becomes the official source of information for the subordinate state. An example of this is the establishment of educational systems in West African countries, taught in the languages of former colonial powers like France, Spain, and Britain.

In recent times, the influence of external powers in West Africa has been evident in counterterrorism efforts. For instance, US counterterrorism policy in Mali was shaped by Malian-American diplomatic communications, with the Malian government gaining considerable influence over US policy. However, the failure to effectively utilise diplomatic information and analysis led to the prioritisation of military securitisation, contributing to the eventual failure of the counterterrorism policy by 2012.

The question of hegemony in West Africa is complex, with some arguing that no single African power has been able to establish itself as a true hegemon in the region. For example, South Africa, despite its economic and political influence, has been limited by its ties to international capital and has struggled to assert its influence independently. Similarly, Nigeria's foreign policy does not demonstrate a clear hegemonic disposition, and claims of hegemony in Africa are often considered rhetorical rather than substantive.

In conclusion, West Africa has been a region of significant interest to hegemonic powers, with external influences shaping its political and social landscape. However, the complex dynamics and interactions between these powers and the developing nations of West Africa have led to varying degrees of success and stability in the region.

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The impact of racial representations in diplomatic texts

Racial representations in diplomatic texts have a long history, and they continue to shape global politics today. For example, in the context of the “War on Terror,” the United States' diplomatic communications with Mali and Morocco in the 2000s employed racial representations that empowered these North African states. By representing themselves as a postcolonial subaltern, the US's diplomatic texts allowed Mali and Morocco to significantly influence US policy in the region. This demonstrates how racial representations can impact the power dynamics between nations and shape international relations.

Additionally, racial representations in diplomatic texts can contribute to the "Othering" of certain groups or nations, which can have detrimental effects on global stability and peace. When diplomatic texts use racial stereotypes or negative portrayals of specific ethnic or religious groups, it can fuel tensions and conflict. For instance, the language used to describe terrorist groups or individuals can inadvertently contribute to the spread of xenophobic or racist ideologies, impacting the civil rights of minority communities within nations.

Furthermore, racial representations in diplomatic texts can also influence public opinion and media narratives. The way diplomats and government officials describe international issues or crises can shape how the public understands and responds to these events. This, in turn, can impact foreign policy decisions and the success of diplomatic initiatives. For example, the representation of the "Commie Terrorists" in the Western Sahara region influenced how the international community perceived and responded to the conflict there.

Lastly, racial representations in diplomatic texts can have practical implications for counterterrorism efforts. The language used to describe terrorist groups and their activities can impact the effectiveness of counterterrorism strategies and the cooperation between nations. For instance, the failure of the US counterterrorism policy in Mali by 2012 has been attributed, in part, to the dominance of military securitisation over the nuanced assessments and recommendations provided by US diplomats. This highlights the importance of accurate and unbiased diplomatic representations in informing effective policy decisions.

In conclusion, the impact of racial representations in diplomatic texts is far-reaching. These representations shape how nations perceive and respond to global issues, influence power dynamics between states, contribute to "Othering" and xenophobic ideologies, impact public opinion and media narratives, and have practical implications for counterterrorism efforts. Therefore, it is crucial for diplomats and government officials to be mindful of the language they use, ensuring that racial representations in diplomatic texts are accurate, sensitive, and conducive to global peace and cooperation.

Frequently asked questions

Diplomacy plays a crucial role in counterterrorism efforts by facilitating cooperation between nations, sharing intelligence, and developing strategies to combat terrorist threats. It also helps in conflict prevention, mediation, and promoting stability.

Diplomatic missions, including embassies and consulates, are essential in gathering information, identifying terrorist groups, and promoting security in their host countries. They work closely with local and international authorities to target and disrupt terrorist activities.

One challenge is the representation of actors and contexts in diplomatic communications. The language used, such as racial or spatial descriptions, can empower certain groups and influence policy decisions. Another challenge is the prioritization of military securitization over diplomatic insights, as seen in the case of counterterrorism policy in Mali.

Diplomacy provides critical assessments of issues, subjects, and threats on the ground. By analyzing diplomatic communications, policymakers can make informed decisions and develop strategies that consider local contexts and dynamics.

The United States has enhanced its engagement with African governments since the September 11 terrorist attacks, leading to increased cooperation and the implementation of strategies such as "denial of territory" to terrorist groups. Additionally, diplomatic efforts have resulted in financial controls to cut off terrorist funding, such as the freezing of assets of persons or entities with ties to terrorist networks.

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