Mail Privileges: Perks Politicians Get From The Government

Politicians in the US have long been afforded the privilege of sending mail without the need for postage, known as the 'franking' privilege. This practice, which dates back to 1775, has been a source of controversy, with critics arguing that it is costly to taxpayers and often abused by incumbents seeking re-election. While there have been attempts to restrict or abolish franking privileges, they continue to be utilized by lawmakers, who defend them as a way to demonstrate transparency and accountability in government.

Explore related products

Epson A43S020461 EFC-01 CaptureOne Franking Cartridge for TM-S1000 Cheque Scanner, Red Ink

$33.24

IXINK357 Compatible Ink Cartridge for Quadient Neopost IX-3, IX-5, IX-7, Pro Series Franking Machine Postage Meter, Fluorescent Red

$116.99

Panini Scanner Franking Roller

$36.99

IXINK1 Compatible Quadient Red Ink Cartridge for Neopost iX-1 Series Franking Machine Postage Meters, A0146668

$58.99

IS56INK 4137700D Ink Tank Replacement for Neopost Quadient Hasler IS5000, IS6000, IM5000 and IM6000 Franking Machine Fluorescent Red Postage Meters IM56INK High Yield Cartridge

$199.99

ISINK2 Fluorescent Red Ink Cartridge for Neopost IS-200, IS-240, IS-280, Quadient Hasler IM-200, IM-240, IM-280 Franking Machines, 42ml, 4200 Impressions, 4145144H

$35.39

The history of mail privileges

The Founding Fathers of the United States replicated this privilege during the American Revolution in 1775, and it was later written into law by the First Continental Congress in 1789. Initially, this privilege was granted to senators, representatives, the president, cabinet secretaries, and certain executive branch officials. The First Congress also allowed newly elected members to communicate with their constituents for free, with one congressman claiming he could inscribe 300 pieces of mail per hour.

Over time, the process of signing envelopes evolved from handwritten signatures to rubber stamps, autopens, and pre-printed envelopes. However, the franking privilege became controversial due to concerns about cost and abuse. Critics accused incumbents of flooding the mails with government documents, speeches, and even packages of seeds to improve their chances of reelection.

In 1873, the Senate voted to abolish the congressional franking privilege, but within two years, exceptions began to emerge, and in 1891, Congress restored full franking privileges. Since then, the franking of congressional mail has been subject to ongoing review and regulation, with additional restrictions enforced by a bipartisan group of lawmakers.

Today, members of Congress are still allowed to use franking privileges to send mail to their constituents, including newsletters, questionnaires, and informational pamphlets. Each member is given a budget for franked mail based on the population of their state or district, and there are rules in place to prevent the privilege from being used for election campaigns. While the advent of email and social media has reduced franking costs, spending taxpayer dollars on franking privileges remains a topic of debate and criticism.

How mail privileges are used today

The "franking privilege" is a law that allows lawmakers to send mail for free. It dates back to the seventeenth century when it was adopted by the English House of Commons. In the United States, the Continental Congress adopted the practice in 1775, and the First Congress wrote it into law in 1789. Initially, the privilege was limited to senators and representatives, but it was later extended to include the president, cabinet secretaries, and certain executive branch officials.

Today, the franking privilege is still used by politicians, although it has evolved and is now subject to ongoing review and regulation. Politicians can send mail matter to any government official or person, not exceeding 4 ounces in weight, upon official or departmental business. In practice, however, politicians use this privilege to send out newsletters, questionnaires, and press releases. They also take advantage of a rule that allows anything that has appeared in the Congressional Record to be sent via mail for free. This includes speeches, which can be reprinted and mailed out with an official-looking "Congressional Record" masthead.

The franking privilege has been a source of controversy, with critics arguing that it is abused by politicians who use it to flood the mails with government documents, speeches, and packages of seeds to improve their chances of reelection. There have also been stories of members using the privilege to send their laundry home and giving their signatures to family and friends for personal use. In 1873, the Senate voted to abolish the franking privilege due to concerns about governmental extravagance. However, just a few years later, Congress began to make exceptions to the ban, and in 1891, full franking privileges were restored.

Today, the franking privilege continues to be a benefit for incumbents, allowing them to communicate with constituents and promote their political agendas. It is also a convenient way for politicians to get acquainted with new constituents, as seen in the case of Representative Frank Chelf, who sent out 128,000 "occupant" letters to voters in his new district, inviting them to join his agricultural-bulletin mailing list. While there are concerns about the cost to taxpayers, with Congress' franking privilege costing $3,986,000 for 88,800,000 pieces of mail in 1961, it doesn't seem like the practice will be ending anytime soon.

The cost of mail privileges

The "franking privilege" is a law that allows members of Congress to send mail using their signature instead of stamps. This privilege has been in place since 1775 and was written into law in 1789. Initially, members of Congress were allowed to send an unlimited number of mails while Congress was in session. However, due to concerns about cost and abuse, Congress outlawed franking privileges in 1873.

The cost of sending mail comes out of the House members' office budgets, which are funded by taxpayers. In the fiscal year 1961, the franking privilege cost taxpayers $3,986,000 for the 88,800,000 pieces of mail sent. By 1988, franking costs had reached $113.4 million, but they plummeted to $16.9 million in 2015 due to reforms and the increasing use of email.

Despite the decreasing costs, spending taxpayer dollars on franking privileges has been criticized by challengers who argue that incumbents are fiscally irresponsible. The use of franking privileges by lawmakers has also been a source of controversy, with stories of members using it for personal gain, such as sending laundry home or giving signatures to family and friends for personal use.

To address these concerns, Congress has implemented additional restrictions, such as limiting the number of times members can mention themselves and banning references to future congressional careers. Members are also not allowed to make partisan points or criticize their colleagues in franked mail. These measures aim to ensure that mailing privileges are not used to bolster political campaigns.

Explore related products

Compatible Printhead Compatible with Pitney Bowes Connect+ SendPro 1000 2000 3000 Black Franking Machine(78P R)

$71

Compatible IXINK357 Quadient Neopost Ink Cartridge for IX-3, IX-5, IX-7, IX-7 Pro Series Franking Machine Fluorescent Red Postage Ink Cartridge, 2 Pack

$139.99

Criticisms of mail privileges

The "franking privilege", which allows lawmakers to send mail for free, has been criticised for being abused and controversial. The privilege has been used to send newsletters, questionnaires, and press releases, which some argue is not what the privilege was intended for. Critics have also accused incumbents of flooding the mails with government documents, speeches, and packages of seeds to improve their chances of reelection.

In addition, the cost of the privilege to taxpayers has been a point of contention. In the fiscal year 1961, for example, Congress' franking privilege cost taxpayers $3,986,000 for 88,800,000 pieces of mail. The annual printing bill for the Congressional Record, which is also eligible for free mailing, comes to more than $2,500,000.

The franking privilege has also been criticised for being difficult to police. Officials at the Post Office have stated that until a complaint is lodged, lawmakers themselves are the only judges of what they should or should not send out under the privilege. This has led to instances of lawmakers sending out large numbers of mailings that may be questionable in terms of their use of the privilege.

The privilege has also been criticised for providing an unfair advantage to incumbents during elections. By allowing lawmakers to send out free mailings, the privilege essentially subsidises their election efforts, making it more difficult for challengers to compete. This has led to accusations of incumbents using the privilege to boost their chances of reelection.

While the Senate voted to abolish the franking privilege in 1873, Congress restored full privileges in 1891, noting that its members were the only government officials required to pay postage. Since then, the franking of congressional mail has been subject to ongoing review and regulation. However, the privilege continues to be a source of criticism and controversy.

Attempts to restrict mail privileges

The "franking privilege" is the ability to send mail by signature rather than postage and has been a tradition since the 17th century. In 1873, the Senate voted to abolish this privilege, but within two years, exceptions began to be made, and in 1891, full franking privileges were restored.

Since 1789, Congress has made numerous alterations to the franking privilege, attempting to balance the need for the privilege with charges of abuse and concerns about the costs. The five dimensions of the privilege that are typically altered through these changes are: who is entitled to frank mail, what is entitled to be franked, how much material can be sent, where the franked material can be sent, and when it can be sent.

In 1968, the Post Office Department stated that, although it would continue to offer advisory opinions, the final judgment on whether or not the franking privilege had been used properly was down to the Congressman himself. This was followed by a series of lawsuits in 1973 in response to alleged franking abuses by Members of Congress, including a direct challenge to the constitutionality of the privilege.

In more recent years, critics have continued to voice concerns about the costs and abuses of the franking privilege, particularly in congressional elections, where it is perceived to give an advantage to incumbent Members running for reelection. Critics argue that the vast majority of franked mail is unsolicited and publicly funded, and that incumbent House Members may spend as much on franked mail in a year as a challenger spends on their entire campaign.

To avoid the appearance of campaign mail, there are now regulations in place that state that franked mail must be for official public business, cannot be for election-related purposes, and must note that it was paid for using taxpayer funds. Senators also cannot send mass mailings fewer than 60 days before a primary or general election.

Frequently asked questions