Who Could Vote When The Constitution Was Signed?

In 1787, when the US Constitution was signed, the right to vote was limited to white male property owners in most states. However, the exact requirements varied, with some states not specifying race or even protecting the rights of men of any race to vote. Notably, New Jersey included unmarried and widowed women who owned property, and Vermont granted universal manhood suffrage, allowing all adult males to vote. The Constitution did not originally define voting eligibility, leaving it to the states to determine who could vote, which led to unfair voting practices. The Naturalization Act of 1790 further restricted voting rights by limiting citizenship to free white persons, effectively excluding people of colour from the political process. It wasn't until the 1828 presidential election that non-property-holding white males gained the right to vote in most states, and the struggle for equal voting rights for women, racial minorities, and other marginalized groups continued well into the 20th century.

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Voting was restricted to white males who owned property

Voting rights in the United States have historically been restricted, with the franchise granted to only a narrow subset of society. In 1787, when the Constitution was signed, voting was largely restricted to white males who owned property. This reflected the prevailing sentiment of the time, where only those with a "permanent stake in the stability of society" were deemed qualified to vote.

The specific property requirements varied by state, and some states also employed religious tests to restrict voting to Christian men only. Despite the lack of uniform standards, the impact of these restrictions was clear: voting rights were limited to a small fraction of the population. By some estimates, more than half of white men were disenfranchised due to property qualifications.

The issue of property ownership as a voting requirement was a contentious topic during the drafting of the Constitution. Some delegates, such as Ellsworth (CT) and Franklin (PA), argued against a property requirement, advocating for a broader franchise that included laborers and those without property. On the other hand, some delegates favored not only maintaining but also strengthening property requirements at the federal level, going beyond the restrictions imposed by some states.

The Constitution of the United States ultimately left it to the states to determine the specific voting requirements, which resulted in a lack of uniformity across the nation. This delegation of power is reflected in Article I, Section 4 of the Constitution, which grants state legislatures the authority to prescribe the "times, places, and manner" of holding elections. While this provision granted significant discretion to the states, it also led to unfair voting practices and disparities in voting rights across the country.

It is important to note that even within the category of white male property owners, there were further nuances to voting rights. For example, married women were often excluded from voting as all property in a marriage legally belonged to the husband. Additionally, large landowners could grant temporary freeholds to landless men, who would then return the deeds after voting, effectively influencing the election outcome.

Some states used religious tests to ensure only Christians could vote

In 1787, the Founding Fathers drafted the U.S. Constitution, which left it to the individual states to determine who was qualified to vote in elections. At this time, voting rights were generally restricted to white males who owned property, and no one at the Constitutional Convention argued for expanding voting rights to women or racial minorities.

Some states employed religious tests to ensure that only Christians could vote. These religious limitations on civil participation continued from the 17th and 18th centuries, when many governments applied religious tests to voting or office-holding to privilege particular faiths and because of the belief that only those with certain religious beliefs were qualified to hold public office.

For example, in North Carolina, the governor, commander-in-chief, lieutenant-governor, and privy council were all required to be of the Protestant religion. Similarly, in South Carolina, no person could be elected senator unless they were of the Protestant religion, and the president was required to be of the Protestant religion as well. In Pennsylvania, each member of the assembly was required to declare:

> I do believe in one God, the Creator and Governor of the Universe, the rewarder of the good and the punisher of the wicked. And I do acknowledge the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given by Divine inspiration.

In 1787, the U.S. Constitution included a clause that prohibited religious tests as a qualification for office-holding or any public trust under the United States. This clause, known as the Religious Test Clause, stated that "no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public trust under the United States."

The federal government wanted its own property qualification for voters

In 1787, the Founding Fathers gathered in Philadelphia to draft the U.S. Constitution. Despite their belief in the virtues of democracy, the founders of the United States accepted and endorsed severe limits on voting. The U.S. Constitution originally left it to states to determine who is qualified to vote in elections.

At the time, states generally restricted voting rights to white men who owned property, but not all states had the same property requirements. Some states also employed religious tests to ensure only Christian men could vote.

During the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Article IV of the draft Constitution stated that anyone allowed to vote in a state's elections would be allowed to vote in elections for U.S. representatives. This sparked controversy, as some delegates wanted the federal government to have its own, additional property qualification for voters—a stricter qualification than that of some states.

Gouverneur Morris (PA), seconded by Fitzsimons (PA), made a motion to strike the current voting eligibility language in the draft Constitution. He had no proposal for a replacement but wanted to grant the right to vote to fewer Americans. This motion was opposed by Williamson (NC) and Wilson (PA), who argued that having separate sets of voting qualifications on the federal and state levels would be too complicated.

The motion to create an additional property requirement for voters in federal elections was hotly debated and ultimately voted down. The federal government's desire for its own property qualification for voters reflected the prevailing sentiment among some delegates to restrict voting rights further, despite the democratic ideals espoused by the Founding Fathers.

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Some founding fathers believed taxation should give the right to vote

In 1787, when the U.S. Constitution was signed, voting rights were restricted to a small subset of society—white male landowners. The Constitution left it to individual states to determine who was qualified to vote in elections, and states generally restricted voting rights to white males who owned property. However, the property requirements varied across states, and some states also employed religious tests to ensure that only Christian men could vote.

At the time, there was internal dissent among the Founding Fathers regarding voting rights. Some Founding Fathers, like Gouverneur Morris (PA), advocated for restricting voting rights and adding a property qualification for voters at the federal level, which would be stricter than the requirements in some states. On the other hand, others like Ellsworth (CT) and Franklin (PA) argued against property requirements and believed that those who were taxed, regardless of property ownership, should have the right to elect those who make taxes. They did not think that the right to vote should be limited to the privileged few and that the working class could be easily manipulated or their votes bought.

The debate over voting rights during the drafting of the Constitution reflected the complex and evolving nature of democracy in the newly formed United States. While some Founding Fathers wanted to restrict voting rights, others recognized the importance of expanding suffrage and ensuring that taxation without representation was not a burden borne only by those without property.

The argument for taxation as a basis for voting rights continued well after the signing of the Constitution. In 1821, the state of New York held a constitutional convention that removed property requirements for white male voters but imposed a tax-paying qualification. This rule was later abolished in an amendment in 1826. Similarly, in 1828, the majority of states allowed non-property-holding white males to vote.

The expansion of voting rights beyond white male landowners was a gradual process. It wasn't until the Reconstruction period following the Civil War that the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution was passed, prohibiting the denial of the right to vote based on race, color, or previous conditions of servitude. However, even after this amendment, states, particularly in the South, continued to use poll taxes, literacy tests, and other discriminatory practices to restrict voting rights for African Americans, Native Americans, and other marginalized groups.

Some founding fathers believed labourers should have the right to vote

In 1787, when the Constitution was signed, voting rights in the United States were restricted to white males who owned property. Some states also required voters to be Christian. However, not all states had the same property requirements, and the specific voting requirements were left to the states to determine.

At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, there was a debate among the Founding Fathers about who should have the right to vote. Some Founding Fathers, such as Gouverneur Morris (PA) and Fitzsimons (PA), argued for restricting voting rights and adding a property qualification for voters at the federal level, which would be stricter than the requirements in some states. On the other hand, some Founding Fathers, including Benjamin Franklin (PA) and Roger Sherman (CT), believed that labourers should have the right to vote and spoke against a property requirement. Franklin specifically defended labourers, arguing that their votes could not be easily bought and that they deserved a say in electing those who make taxes.

The Founding Fathers who supported voting rights for labourers recognised the core argument of the American Revolution: that those who are taxed should be able to elect those who make taxes. They believed that the right to vote should not be limited to property owners and that all citizens, regardless of their property ownership, should have a say in choosing their representatives. This view aligned with the ideals of democracy and the belief that the government should be representative of the people.

However, it is important to note that even among those Founding Fathers who supported voting rights for labourers, there was no push to expand voting rights to women or racial minorities. The focus was primarily on white male citizens, and the debate centred around property qualifications. It would take many more years and significant social and political movements for women and racial minorities to gain the right to vote in the United States.

In summary, while the Founding Fathers may have disagreed on the specific voting requirements, some of them recognised the importance of extending voting rights to include labourers. This debate over voting rights continued well beyond the signing of the Constitution, with states gradually relaxing property requirements and expanding suffrage to include a broader segment of the population.

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