
The 'When Diplomacy Fails' podcast, hosted on Acast, explores the historical failures of diplomacy that have led to wars. It delves into the intricacies of international relations, the outbreak of wars, and the key figures behind these conflicts. The show, created by Zack Twamley, takes listeners on a journey through significant wars in history, such as the Thirty Years' War and the July Crisis, revealing the fascinating stories of diplomatic endeavours and their ultimate failures. From the actions of the German ambassador to Britain's mediation attempts, the podcast offers a captivating insight into the complex world of diplomacy and its consequences.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Host | Dr Zack Twamley |
| Format | Podcast |
| Focus | International relations, diplomacy, the outbreak of war and the characters behind those conflicts |
| Episodes | July Crisis, Thirty Years War Intro 1, The Age of Bismarck, Thirty Years War, Austro-Serb War |
| Platforms | Acast, Patreon, Perlego, Facebook, Twitter |
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What You'll Learn

The mediation efforts of Sir Edward Grey
Sir Edward Grey, 3rd Baronet, was a British statesman and Liberal Party politician who served as Foreign Secretary from 1905 to 1916, the longest continuous tenure of any holder of that office. He played a key role in the July Crisis of 1914, which led to the outbreak of World War I. During this time, he made significant mediation efforts to prevent the war.
Grey's foreign policy relied on the Triple Entente with France and Russia, which drew criticism from radicals within his party. Despite this, he maintained his position due to support from the Conservatives for his "non-partisan" foreign policy. In the lead-up to World War I, Grey attempted to mediate the dispute between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, but his efforts were ignored by both sides. He proposed that Austria-Hungary obtain satisfaction from Serbia without resorting to war, such as by occupying Belgrade, which had been abandoned by the Serbian government. However, Austria-Hungary regarded the Serbian government as complicit in the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and was determined to act.
As the crisis escalated, Grey urged the German ambassador to organise a four-power conference of Britain, France, Italy, and Germany to mediate between Austria-Hungary and Russia, or at least obtain an extension of the time-limit set by Austria-Hungary for Serbian acceptance of their ultimatum. He proposed this conference multiple times and suggested that Russia and Austria-Hungary should negotiate directly. Grey's mediation efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, as the German ambassador's attempts to prevent war were outpaced by the ultimata from Berlin.
Grey's diplomacy was characterised by his secretive nature, which drew criticism from the liberal press. He preferred to conduct relations through ambassadors in London rather than travelling abroad himself. Despite his efforts to maintain peace, Grey's failure to align firmly and quickly enough with France and Russia has been cited as a factor that contributed to the outbreak of World War I.
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The mobilisation of the British fleet
The first step was to ensure that the fleet was ready for action. This meant conducting a thorough review of the fleet's readiness, including the condition of ships, equipment, and personnel. The British Navy had been undergoing a period of reform and modernisation, and it was crucial to assess whether these changes had been effectively implemented. This review also involved ensuring that the fleet had the necessary supplies, ammunition, and provisions to sustain a potential military engagement.
While the British fleet had been a formidable force in the past, maintaining its dominance required continuous training and tactical development. The mobilisation process included rigorous training exercises to refine tactics, test new strategies, and improve coordination between ships and crews. These exercises were designed to simulate various scenarios, from naval battles to blockade operations, ensuring that the fleet was prepared for any eventuality.
Another critical aspect of the mobilisation was the establishment of effective communication and intelligence networks. The British Navy relied on a vast network of signals intelligence, code-breaking, and interception of enemy communications. Enhancing these capabilities was vital to gaining a strategic advantage over potential adversaries. The British also focused on securing their own communications, employing encryption and secure transmission methods to protect sensitive information.
As the situation in Europe intensified, the British fleet had to be prepared for potential deployments to key strategic locations. This involved studying naval maps, charting potential routes, and identifying resupply points. The fleet conducted exercises focused on rapid deployment, ensuring that ships could reach their designated areas swiftly and efficiently. The ability to respond quickly to changing circumstances was a crucial aspect of the mobilisation efforts.
Throughout the mobilisation process, the British government maintained a cautious approach, seeking to avoid any actions that could be perceived as provocative. This delicate balance between preparedness and diplomacy was a challenging act, and the British Navy played a vital role in ensuring that Britain's interests were protected without escalating tensions. The mobilisation of the British fleet demonstrated the country's military prowess and strategic foresight, reflecting its commitment to peace through strength.
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German diplomacy with Romania and the Ottoman Empire
German diplomacy had worked behind the scenes to court Romania and the Ottoman Empire. German ambassador Lichnowsky was key to these efforts, which ultimately proved more successful with the Ottoman Empire.
As Germany waited for Russia's response to its ultimatum, the Kaiser approved general mobilisation. The German government believed Britain would remain neutral and guarantee the neutrality of France. However, the British Foreign Secretary's vagueness and the German ambassador's misunderstanding of Britain's intentions led to confusion.
The German ambassador made a desperate final effort to prevent war with Russia, but the Tsar insisted it was impossible to stop mobilisation. With Russian mobilisation and Germany's Kriegsgefahr spreading across Europe, urgent telegrams were exchanged between London, Berlin, and Paris. Despite Germany's diplomatic efforts with Romania and the Ottoman Empire, the mobilisation of troops and urgent communications signaled that war was now inevitable.
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Russian mobilisation and Germany's Kriegsgefahr
On July 30, 1914, Russia's Tsar Nicholas II ordered the general mobilisation of the Russian Army, setting off a chain of events that would lead to Germany's declaration of war on Russia just two days later.
The mobilisation of troops was a complex and time-consuming process for Russia, due to the vast distances across the empire that troops needed to travel. This was well known to Germany, whose war plans depended on taking advantage of Russia's slower mobilisation speed. As a result, Germany felt pressured to act quickly once Russia's mobilisation was underway.
On the morning of July 31, the German ambassador to St. Petersburg, Friedrich Pourtalès, confronted the Russian Foreign Ministry with the mobilisation decree, which had been posted around the city the night before. Pourtalès emphasised that the mobilisation was a direct threat to Germany and begged Tsar Nicholas II to cancel the order. However, the Tsar missed the urgency of the situation, reiterating that mobilisation did not necessarily mean Russia was going to war.
Despite Russia's assurances, Germany declared war on Russia on August 1, 1914, marking the start of a continental war between Germany and Austria-Hungary against Russia and France. This mobilisation and the subsequent war had profound impacts on the course of history, setting the stage for the conflicts and political dynamics that would define the early 20th century.
Over a century later, in 2022, the world once again witnessed Russia's mobilisation of its military forces, this time in the context of the conflict with Ukraine. Despite diplomatic efforts to avert war, Putin authorised Russia's invasion of Ukraine, demonstrating that sometimes, even the most fervent diplomatic efforts are not enough to prevent conflict.
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The British Foreign Secretary's vagueness
In the final hours of peace, the German government believed that Britain had affirmed its intention to remain neutral and guarantee the neutrality of France. This was a significant development, as it could have potentially altered Germany's calculations and actions. However, it was not clear if this offer was legitimate or the result of a misunderstanding between the German ambassador, Lichnowsky, and the British government.
The British Foreign Secretary at the time, Sir Edward Grey, played a crucial role in this period. He was determined to pursue mediation and diplomacy to prevent the outbreak of war. Grey promoted a conference scheme to the European courts, but when this was rejected, he modified his approach and accepted other suggestions, such as bilateral Austro-Russian negotiations. He believed that Britain should maintain a "free hand" and not commit too early to any side, which could have influenced other powers' actions.
However, Grey also faced challenges, including divisions within his own Cabinet. Churchill, for example, acted provocatively by mobilising the fleet and moving it to battle stations. This internal dissent made it more difficult for Grey to present a clear and unified position to other nations.
The question of Belgian neutrality further complicated the situation. While Germany could not confirm or deny its position on Belgian neutrality, Britain understood the importance of this issue. This ambiguity added to the overall vagueness of Britain's stance during the July Crisis.
In conclusion, the British Foreign Secretary's vagueness during the July Crisis was a result of Sir Edward Grey's efforts to maintain diplomatic flexibility and prevent war. However, it also reflected the internal divisions within the British Cabinet and the complex diplomatic landscape of the time. The ultimate responsibility for the outbreak of war cannot be placed on Grey's vagueness alone, as multiple factors and actors contributed to the failure of diplomacy during this crisis.
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Frequently asked questions
The podcast examines different wars throughout history, focusing on international relations, diplomacy, the outbreak of war, and the characters behind these conflicts.
The July Crisis series focuses on the lead-up to World War I and the complex diplomatic landscape of the time. It examines the efforts of various countries, including Britain, Germany, and Russia, to navigate their relationships and avoid war.
The series covers a range of topics, including the mediation efforts of Sir Edward Grey, the mobilisation of fleets, the dilemma of choosing sides, the role of ultimatums, and the breakdown of diplomacy as countries prepare for war.
The podcast is available on Acast, Apple Podcasts, and Spotify. You can also support the show by joining their Patreon community and accessing exclusive content and early access to episodes.

















