The Pardoning Power: Exploring The Constitution's Clause

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Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution, also known as the Pardon Clause, grants the President the authority to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. This power, which has its roots in early English law, has been interpreted by the Supreme Court as plenary, meaning it is broad and not generally subject to congressional modification. While the President's pardon power seems nearly unlimited, there are a few key restrictions: pardons can only be issued for federal crimes, and they cannot be granted in cases of impeachment or to exempt the President from criminal laws. The question of whether a President can self-pardon remains unresolved, with legal scholars and analysts divided on the issue.

Characteristics Values
Who can grant pardons? The President of the United States
What does the pardon power include? Clemency, reprieves, amnesty, and the ability to commute or postpone a sentence, remit a fine or restitution, and delay the imposition of punishment
What does it not include? Pardons cannot be issued for impeachment cases tried and convicted by Congress, state criminal offenses, or federal or state civil claims
Who can be pardoned? Anyone who has committed a federal crime
Can a president grant a self-pardon? The constitutionality of self-pardons is unclear

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The US Constitution establishes the President's authority to grant clemency and pardons

Article II, Section 2 of the US Constitution, also known as the Pardon Clause, explicitly states that the President has the authority to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment." This power is considered "plenary," meaning it is considerably broad and not generally subject to congressional modification. The Supreme Court has affirmed this interpretation, ruling in cases like Ex parte Garland (1866) and United States v. Klein (1871) that legislation cannot restrict the President's pardon power.

The President's pardon power extends to various forms of clemency, including pardons, amnesty, commutation, and reprieve. A pardon releases an individual from punishment and restores their civil liberties. Amnesty is similar but applies to an entire class of individuals. Commutation reduces the sentence imposed by a federal court, while a reprieve delays the imposition of a sentence or punishment.

While the President's pardon power is broad, there are a few limitations. Firstly, a crime must have been committed for a pardon to be issued. Secondly, the power is limited to federal crimes. Lastly, the President may not issue pardons in cases of impeachment. These restrictions are outlined in Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, which specifies that clemency is only applicable to "Offenses against the United States."

Throughout history, US Presidents have exercised their pardon power in notable instances. For example, George Washington granted amnesty to those involved in the Whiskey Rebellion in 1795, and Thomas Jefferson pardoned citizens convicted under the Alien and Sedition Acts. Abraham Lincoln used clemency to encourage desertions from the Confederate Army, and Andrew Johnson's pardon of Jefferson Davis, the former president of the Confederacy, was particularly controversial.

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Congress can neither limit the effect of a pardon nor exclude classes of offenders

The US Constitution establishes the President's authority to grant clemency, encompassing not only pardons of individuals but several other forms of relief from criminal punishment. This power has its roots in early English law and was first seen during the reign of King Ine of Wessex in the seventh century.

Article II, Section 2 of the US Constitution states that the President has the authority to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment." The Supreme Court has interpreted this power as "plenary," meaning it is broad and not generally subject to congressional modification.

In Ex parte Garland (1866), the Court held that the power of the President to pardon is not subject to legislative control. Congress can neither limit the effect of a pardon nor exclude classes of offenders from its exercise. The Court wrote:

> "The benign prerogative of mercy reposed in him cannot be fettered by any legislative restrictions."

This was reaffirmed in United States v. Klein (1871), where the Court voided a law that sought to bar the use of a pardon as a substitute for proof of loyalty necessary to recover property sold by the government during the Civil War. The Court ruled that such a law was an impermissible attempt to change the effect of pardons by requiring courts to disregard them and deny them their legal effect.

While some early Supreme Court language suggested that Congress can grant pardons or amnesties through legislation, the continued validity of this authority is unclear. In Brown v. Walker (1896), the Court upheld an immunity statute for testimony given to the Interstate Commerce Commission and suggested that Congress has the power to pass acts of general amnesty. However, the Court has not revisited this suggestion, and the validity of this interpretation has been disputed.

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The President of the United States has the authority to grant pardons and clemency, as outlined in Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution. This power is considered broad and not generally subject to congressional modification. However, it is essential to note that the President's pardon power does not extend to cases of impeachment.

While the Constitution does not explicitly prohibit a President from pardoning themselves, it is widely accepted that a President cannot pardon themselves due to the established legal precedent that "no one may be a judge in his own case." This principle, articulated by James Madison, upholds the due process of law and ensures that personal interests do not bias judgment. The Supreme Court has also held that no one is above the law, including the President, who is subject to the law and liable to prosecution and punishment.

The concept of a self-pardon by the President would violate the constitutional principle of separation of powers. The pardon power is intended to be separate from the judicial function, preventing the concentration of power in a single person or entity. Additionally, a self-pardon would absolve the President of criminal liability, undermining the very purpose of the law and the Constitution, which is to serve the public's interest and welfare.

While there is no clear consensus among legal scholars on the matter of self-pardon, the Justice Department concluded that the President does not have the constitutional authority to pardon themselves. This conclusion was reached when Richard Nixon considered pardoning himself in 1974, and it has not been challenged or attempted since. Any attempt at self-pardon would undoubtedly lead to impeachment inquiries and a constitutional crisis, as it would be seen as an admission of guilt and an abuse of power.

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Pardons may only be issued for federal crimes, and not for state criminal offenses

The US Constitution establishes the President's authority to grant clemency, which includes the power to pardon individuals and provide relief from criminal punishment. This authority is derived from Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, which states that the President has the power to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment."

While the President's pardon power is considered broad and not generally subject to congressional modification, there are limits to this power. One significant limit is that pardons may only be issued for federal crimes and not for state criminal offenses or federal or state civil claims. This restriction is explicitly mentioned in the Constitution's text, which specifies that clemency is granted for "Offenses against the United States."

The distinction between federal and state offenses is crucial in the context of pardons. Federal offenses are crimes that violate federal laws, which apply nationwide, while state offenses are crimes that violate state laws, which vary from state to state. As such, the President's pardon power only extends to crimes that violate federal laws, and it does not encompass crimes that are prosecuted under state laws.

This limitation on the pardon power is further reinforced by the historical context and the separation of powers. The framers of the Constitution deliberately separated the judicial function of the government from the pardon power, ensuring that the power of judging and pardoning was not vested in the same person or entity. This separation addresses concerns about the potential abuse of power and maintains a system of checks and balances.

In practice, this means that pardons for state crimes are typically handled by governors or state pardon boards, who have the authority to grant clemency for offenses prosecuted under state laws. Each state may have its own procedures and requirements for seeking expungement or clearing a criminal record, and individuals seeking relief for a state conviction should contact the relevant state authorities.

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The pardon power is intended as a tool for justice and mercy, and to further the public welfare

The pardon power is a tool for justice and mercy, and to further the public welfare. This power is vested in the President of the United States by Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, which states that the President has the authority to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment".

The pardon power is intended to be used for the public good, as a tool to uphold justice and show mercy. It is not meant to be used for self-dealing, self-protection, or other bad faith, personal reasons. The power to pardon is an essential tool for the President to carry out their duty to faithfully execute the law and serve the public interest.

The framers of the Constitution deliberately separated the judicial function of government from the pardon power. This separation was intended to address concerns that the power of judging and pardoning should not be held by the same person or entity. The framers also wanted to prevent the potential for pardoning subordinates for treason, which could subject the President to threats of impeachment and removal from office.

The pardon power has its roots in early English law, where it was known as the "prerogative of mercy". It first appeared during the reign of King Ine of Wessex in the seventh century. Over time, abuses of this power increased, leading to limitations on its use. However, the power persisted through the American colonial period and was formally adopted into the US Constitution.

Despite the broad authority granted to the President, the pardon power is not without limits. It is constrained by the rest of the Constitution, including the President's duty to act in the public interest. The pardon power cannot be used to place the President above the law, to subvert other parts of the Constitution, to violate criminal law, or to license future lawbreaking.

Frequently asked questions

Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the US Constitution, also known as the Pardon Clause, mentions the President's power to grant pardons.

The Pardon Clause states that the President has the power to "grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment."

This means that the President can pardon individuals for federal crimes, but not for state criminal offenses or civil liability. The pardon power also does not extend to cases of impeachment.

The question of self-pardoning is a complex and debated topic. While some legal scholars argue that it is not explicitly prohibited by the Constitution, others contend that it would violate the principle that no one may be a judge in their own case. There is no clear consensus among legal professionals, and the matter has not been tested in the Supreme Court.

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