Who Can Order A Us Nuclear Strike?

what constitutes an illegal order to use us nuclear weapons

The legality of the use of nuclear weapons is a highly contested issue. The US President has the sole authority to authorise the use of US nuclear weapons, and ordinarily, nobody is allowed to overrule the president's decision. However, in 2017, tensions between the US and North Korea led to concerns about President Trump's ability to launch a nuclear strike, and whether military generals could refuse such an order. While the US Department of Defense acknowledges that the law of war governs the use of nuclear weapons, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has stated that the threat or use of nuclear weapons is generally contrary to international law. The ICJ's advisory opinion notes that the threat or use of force in self-defence must be necessary and proportional, and that nuclear weapons have the capability to instantly kill millions of people, create long-term health and environmental consequences, and directly undermine global peace. The Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act of 2021 further emphasises the need for checks and balances on the President's authority to authorise a nuclear strike.

Characteristics Values
Authority to Authorize the Use of Nuclear Weapons The President has the sole authority to authorize the use of nuclear weapons.
Congress's Role Congress has the exclusive power to declare war, and must provide checks and balances to the President's authority to authorize the use of nuclear weapons.
International Law The use of nuclear weapons may violate international humanitarian law and the right to life, and may amount to a war crime.
Consultation Process A consultation process is triggered when the President orders a nuclear strike, involving discussions with top military officials.
Responsibility to Obey the Law The responsibility to obey the law runs from the President down to the crew members executing the order. Anyone who carries out an illegal order is potentially liable for war crimes.
Distinction Between Combatants and Non-Combatants States must not target civilians and must use weapons that can distinguish between civilian and military targets.
Proportionality The use of force must be necessary and proportional, and the risk of escalation must be considered.
Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons The treaty prohibits the development, testing, production, stockpiling, stationing, transfer, use, and threat of use of nuclear weapons.

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The US President's authority to authorise a nuclear strike

The US President has the sole authority to authorise a nuclear strike. This is part of their role as Commander-in-Chief. However, Congress has the exclusive power to declare war, and the President's authority to use nuclear weapons is dependent on a declaration of war, specific statutory authorization, or a national emergency created by an attack on the US, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.

While the President has the authority to order a nuclear strike, they would first discuss a range of options with their advisers and then issue an order to top military officials at the Pentagon. This would trigger a "consultation process" with generals wanting to know what the president was trying to achieve and why they wanted to use nuclear weapons. The President would then need to persuade the military to carry out the order.

There are differing opinions on whether the military could refuse an order to use nuclear weapons. Some argue that all uses of nuclear weapons would be unlawful, and anyone who carries out an illegal order is potentially liable for war crimes. However, it may not be practical to encourage crew members to question orders, as it could cause the entire structure of military command to crumble. In any case, it would be difficult to refuse an order in time to stop the President from launching nuclear weapons.

To address this, legislation has been proposed to limit the President's power to launch a nuclear strike. The Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act would prohibit the President from launching a nuclear strike without prior authorization from Congress. It would also institute safeguards to prevent the President from introducing nuclear weapons in a conflict and reaffirm Congress's sole authority to declare war.

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The legality of a nuclear strike under international humanitarian law

The legality of the use of nuclear weapons has been a highly contested issue for decades. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has considered the question of the legality or illegality of the use of nuclear weapons in light of the provisions of the Charter relating to the threat or use of force. The ICJ observed that the provisions applied to any use of force, regardless of the weapons employed.

The ICJ further emphasised two cardinal principles: firstly, the distinction between combatants and non-combatants, stating that States must never target civilians and must not use weapons that cannot distinguish between civilian and military targets; and secondly, that unnecessary suffering should not be caused to combatants. These principles are derived from the Martens Clause, which holds that civilians and combatants are protected by the principles of international law, humanity, and public conscience.

Despite acknowledging the applicability of humanitarian law to nuclear weapons, the ICJ noted that the conclusions drawn from it were controversial due to the unique characteristics of nuclear weapons. The Court did not find an explicit prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons in the law applicable in armed conflict or in treaties expressly prohibiting certain weapons of mass destruction. However, it recognised that the use of force must comply with the law of self-defence and meet the requirements of international humanitarian law and the law of neutrality.

In the United States, the President has the sole authority to authorise the use of nuclear weapons, as outlined in the Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act of 2021. This Act emphasises the need for checks and balances, with Congress having the power to declare war and provide oversight. While the President can give the order, it must be transmitted down a chain of command, and military officers are obligated to follow lawful orders under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Despite the President's authority, there is a recognition that certain circumstances may render a nuclear strike illegal under international humanitarian law. The US Department of Defense acknowledges that the law of war governs the use of nuclear weapons, and anyone carrying out an illegal order may be liable for war crimes. However, the determination of legality is complex, and subordinates are not encouraged to question orders as it could undermine the military command structure.

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The legality of a nuclear strike in self-defence

The legality of using nuclear weapons is a highly contested issue. The United Nations Secretary-General, in 1994, communicated a decision by the General Assembly to the Court, asking for an advisory opinion on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons under international law. The Court's advisory opinion, delivered in 1996, stated that it could not conclude definitively on the legality or illegality of using nuclear weapons in self-defence.

The Court considered the provisions of the Charter relating to the threat or use of force and found that they applied to any use of force, regardless of the weapons used. It also acknowledged the principle of proportionality, which suggests that nuclear weapons might not be excluded from self-defence in all scenarios. However, for a use of force to be lawful, it must comply with the requirements of the law applicable in armed conflict, including humanitarian law.

Customary international law and treaties that prohibit specific weapons of mass destruction do not explicitly ban the use of nuclear weapons. The Court noted a lack of consensus among the international community on whether the non-use of nuclear weapons over the past 50 years constituted an opinio juris, a principle indicating a legal obligation.

The unique characteristics of nuclear weapons present a challenge to reconciling their use with the requirements of the law applicable in armed conflict. The Court emphasised the fundamental right of states to survival and self-defence, as outlined in Article 51 of the Charter. In extreme circumstances where a state's survival is at stake, the Court recognised the legality of deterrence policies. Judge Guillaume deduced that international law cannot deprive a state of the right to resort to nuclear weapons if it is the ultimate means to ensure its survival.

In the United States, the President has the sole authority to authorise the use of nuclear weapons, but Congress has the power to declare war. The Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act of 2021 aims to prevent the President from conducting a first-strike nuclear attack without a war declaration from Congress. While the President can give the order, it must be carried out by the military, which can refuse to execute an illegal order. However, the complexity of determining the legality of an order and the hierarchical structure of the military present challenges in this scenario.

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The role of Congress in declaring war

The use of nuclear weapons is a highly controversial topic, with some arguing that all uses of nuclear weapons are unlawful. However, the legality of using nuclear weapons is still undetermined by international law. The US president has the sole authority to authorise the use of US nuclear weapons, but this is not a power to be taken lightly, as it requires consultation with top military officials.

Congress has the power to authorise the use of military force and to provide funding for such endeavours. This authority extends to declaring war and issuing formal war declarations. Historically, Congress has exercised this power on a limited number of occasions, with the last formal declaration of war occurring in 1942 against Hungary, Bulgaria, and Romania.

To protect the original understanding of Congress's role in authorising offensive military actions, it is essential for Congress to avoid open-ended use-of-force authorisations. Instead, they should seek to enact authorisations with sunsets, requiring regular re-evaluation and affirmative re-authorisation.

The War Powers Resolution (WPR) of 1973 was enacted to mitigate disputes between Congress and the Executive Branch over war powers. However, it has not effectively separated the war powers between the two entities. The WPR recognises the President's power to wage war, which is limited to declarations of war, specific statutory authorisations, or national emergencies.

In summary, Congress plays a vital role in declaring war and authorising the use of military force. While the President has the sole authority to authorise the use of nuclear weapons, Congress provides checks and balances to ensure that such decisions are not made lightly and are in line with the interests of the people.

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The chain of command in authorising a nuclear strike

In the United States, the President has the sole authority to authorise the use of nuclear weapons. This is part of their role as Commander-in-Chief. However, Congress has the exclusive power to declare war, and therefore must provide checks and balances to the President's authority. A first-use nuclear strike without a declaration of war by Congress would violate the Constitution.

If the President decides to authorise a nuclear strike, they would first discuss a range of options with their advisers. They would then issue an order to top military officials at the Pentagon. While nobody is allowed to overrule the President's decision, in practice, generals would expect a good explanation for the strike and would be obliged to refuse an illegal order.

A retired general told Congress that the military may be able to say "no" to the President under certain circumstances. Gen. John Hyten, who leads the US Strategic Command, has stated that he would advise against a strike if he considered it illegal. He also noted that anyone who carries out an illegal order could face life imprisonment.

Peter Feaver, a professor of political science at Duke University, notes that the President's order is transmitted down a chain of command, with someone further down that chain turning the key or pressing the button. This chain of command includes the General Staff, who have access to launch codes and can send authorisation codes to individual weapons commanders, who then execute the launch procedures.

In Russia, the chain of command is similar. The Russian President takes the decision to use nuclear weapons, with a small briefcase called the Cheget kept close to them at all times, linking them to the command and control network of Russia's strategic nuclear forces. The Cheget transmits launch orders to the central military command, the General Staff, who have two methods of launching nuclear warheads. Russia has outlined four scenarios that might justify the use of nuclear weapons:

  • The use of nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction against Russia or its allies.
  • Data showing the launch of ballistic missiles aimed at Russia or its allies.
  • An attack on critical government or military sites that would undermine the ability of Russia's nuclear forces to respond to threats.
  • The use of conventional weapons against Russia when the existence of the state is in jeopardy.

Frequently asked questions

The President has the sole authority to authorize the use of nuclear weapons, an order which military officers of the United States must carry out.

Although nobody is allowed to refuse the President's order, in practice, generals would expect a good explanation for the strike and would be obliged to say "no" to an illegal order.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) stated that the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, and in particular, the principles and rules of humanitarian law.

The Restricting First Use of Nuclear Weapons Act of 2021 prohibits the use of federal funds for a first-use nuclear strike unless it is pursuant to a war declared by Congress that expressly authorizes such a strike.

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