Eleanor Finch
Coercive diplomacy is a popular tool for achieving political objectives and fostering a state's national interest without waging war. It involves the use of threats and incentives to persuade an adversary to comply with a demand. While it has been increasingly used by US policymakers since the 1950s, its effectiveness is debated, with some arguing that it fails more often than it succeeds. Nonetheless, it remains an important option for dealing with foreign policy challenges, such as international humanitarian crises or human rights abuses. The success of coercive diplomacy depends on various factors, including the balance of motivation between the coercing power and the adversary, effective communication, and the strategic environment. However, it is challenging to sustain over long periods, especially in multinational efforts, and distinguishing it from brute force is difficult.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Coercive diplomacy is a common practice for conducting inter-state relations | N/A |
| It achieves political objectives and fosters a state's national interest without waging a war | N/A |
| It involves the use of force within certain boundaries | N/A |
| It is distinct from brute force | N/A |
| It is a difficult tool for policymakers to wield effectively | N/A |
| It is challenging to maintain political support for over long periods of time | N/A |
| It is hard to judge success and to decide what level of force should be used | N/A |
| It is harder to employ when part of a multinational effort or campaign | N/A |
| It is a defensive tool, distinct from blackmail as an offensive tool | N/A |
| It involves demands, threats, and incentives | N/A |
| It is more successful when adversaries are given time to evaluate costs and risks of non-compliance | N/A |
| It is more successful when adversaries understand the coercing power's commitment and motivation | N/A |
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What You'll Learn
Coercive diplomacy is a viable means to achieve political objectives
The viability of coercive diplomacy is contingent on several factors. Firstly, the choice of demand holds strategic importance. The greater the demand, the stronger the adversary's resistance is likely to be. Therefore, a rational cost-benefit analysis influences the decision-making process. Secondly, the success of coercive diplomacy hinges on the balance of motivation between the coercing power and the adversary. The coercing power must demonstrate stronger motivation to achieve its demands than the adversary's resistance.
The credibility and potency of the coercing power's threat are also critical. The adversary's perception of the coercing power's motivation and commitment plays a significant role in determining the outcome. Ultimatums, which employ demands, threats, and time limits, can be used to enhance the adversary's sense of urgency. The "try and see" approach starts with mild coercive force, gradually increasing pressure if the adversary does not comply.
Coercive diplomacy has been employed by the United States since the 1950s, with varying degrees of success. While some argue that it fails more often than it succeeds, others contend that it is a valuable tool for dealing with daunting foreign policy challenges, such as international humanitarian crises and human rights abuses.
In conclusion, coercive diplomacy can be a viable means to achieve political objectives, provided that practitioners are aware of its limits and adhere to strict principles of crisis management. It requires a nuanced understanding of the strategic environment and the careful calibration of demands, threats, and incentives.
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The role of threats and inducements in coercive diplomacy
Coercive diplomacy is a common practice in interstate relations, aiming to achieve political objectives and foster a state's national interest without waging a war. It involves the use of threats and inducements to influence an adversary's behaviour. While coercion and persuasion both aim to influence behaviour, coercion differs in that it restricts liberty by excluding all choices but one. The degree of liberty retained depends on the nature of the coercion applied; if the alternative to complying with a coercive threat is not altogether unthinkable, more liberty is retained than when the threatened outcome is deemed wholly unacceptable.
The "carrot and stick" approach to coercive diplomacy involves coupling threats of punishment with positive inducements and assurances to influence the adversary. This approach was famously employed by J.F. Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Kennedy limited his objectives and rejected the option of using the crisis to topple Castro or eliminate Soviet influence in Cuba. Instead, he gave the Soviet leader time to evaluate the costs and risks of non-compliance and coupled his threats with positive inducements. This flexibility in strategy can be effective as long as the inducements and assurances offered are credible.
The "try-and-see" approach is another variant of coercive diplomacy, where the coercing power takes one threatening step at a time, waiting for the reaction of the adversary before making additional threats. This approach was also employed by Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, as he slowed the implementation of the naval blockade and build-up of military forces, signalling his preference for a peaceful settlement of the crisis.
The effectiveness of threats in coercive diplomacy can be enhanced by the support of allies, which increases the perceived legitimacy of the threat. On the other hand, a lack of visible support, especially from expected parties, can undermine the legitimacy of threats. For example, the ultimatums issued to Saddam Hussein by the United States in 2002 and 2003 lacked broad alliance support within the United Nations and NATO, decreasing the legitimacy of the subsequent invasion of Iraq.
While coercive diplomacy can provide a pacific solution to crises, pushing the limits of coercion can potentially lead to war. Therefore, policymakers must carefully distinguish between coercive diplomacy and brute force during the decision-making process.
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The strategic importance of demand
The success of coercive diplomacy hinges on the balance of motivation between the coercing power and the adversary. The coercing power must be more strongly motivated to achieve its demands than the adversary is to resist. This dynamic underscores the importance of carefully calibrating the demand to ensure it aligns with the desired outcome. The demand must be substantial enough to warrant the use of coercive diplomacy, yet not so excessive that it provokes insurmountable resistance.
The formulation of the demand also plays a crucial role in coercive diplomacy. Ultimatums, for example, employ explicit demands and threats while imposing a time limit for compliance to heighten the adversary's sense of urgency. On the other hand, the "try and see" approach starts with a milder coercive force, gradually increasing the pressure if the adversary remains non-compliant. The choice between these approaches depends on various factors, including the nature of the demand, the relationship between the parties, and the coercing power's assessment of the adversary's resistance threshold.
Additionally, the strategic importance of demand in coercive diplomacy extends beyond the initial presentation of the demand. The choice of demand sets the tone for the negotiation process, influencing the adversary's perception of the coercing power's motivation and commitment. It is essential that the demand is communicated effectively and consistently through words and actions. Moreover, the demand should be flexible enough to allow for bargaining and negotiating, which are integral components of the coercive diplomacy process.
In conclusion, the strategic importance of demand in coercive diplomacy is twofold. Firstly, it serves as the foundation upon which the entire strategy is built, shaping the adversary's response and resistance. Secondly, it provides a framework for the negotiation process, influencing the coercing power's tactics and strategies. A well-crafted and carefully communicated demand is essential for the success of coercive diplomacy, increasing the likelihood of achieving political objectives without resorting to military conflict.
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Coercive diplomacy vs brute force
Coercion is a complex concept in international relations, and it is important to understand the differences between coercive diplomacy and brute force. Coercive diplomacy involves the use of threatened force and, at times, the limited use of actual force to back up the threat, to induce an adversary to change its behaviour. It is a strategy that aims to get the adversary to act in a certain way, without resorting to brute force. The adversary must still have the capacity for organised violence but choose not to exercise it.
On the other hand, brute force is a more direct use of power, as defined by Schelling, where there is no need for a decision by the target state because power is imposed directly, leaving no choice. Brute force implies simply getting what one wants by violence without trying to convince the adversary. An example of brute force is the Israeli bombing of Iraq's nuclear reactor at Osiraq in 1981, where Israel did not expect the adversary to change its policy as a result of the action.
Coercive diplomacy, therefore, operates in a grey area between peace and war, where the threat of violence is more important than its application. It involves a cost-benefit analysis and a demonstration of capabilities and resolve, which enhance the credibility of attempts to coerce others. Successful coercive diplomacy entails clearly communicated threats, credibility, and reassurance. One of the main challenges in coercive diplomacy is signalling that compliance will not lead to punishment.
While brute force may be effective in achieving immediate objectives, coercive diplomacy is a more nuanced approach that allows for more complex outcomes. It is a delicate balance, as pushing the limits of coercion can lead to war. Policymakers must carefully distinguish between these two notions during the decision-making process, although there is no consensus on whether these concepts should be distinguished or not.
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The effectiveness of coercive diplomacy for US policymakers
Coercive diplomacy has become an increasingly popular tool for US policymakers since the 1950s. It involves leveraging the threat of violence and military force to achieve foreign policy goals. However, its effectiveness is open to debate.
Robert Art's research on the applications of coercive diplomacy by US policymakers over a 12-year period found that coercive diplomacy succeeded in meeting its policy objectives only 20% of the time. Art notes that political objectives often change during coercive diplomatic actions, and it is challenging to define clear policy success. However, the study's findings align with other research in this field.
One of the challenges of coercive diplomacy is distinguishing it from brute force. While brute force and coercive diplomacy are different, pushing the limits of coercion can lead to war. Policymakers must navigate this delicate balance during the decision-making process.
To effectively wield coercive diplomacy, US policymakers must address several challenges. Firstly, compellence, or trying to compel an adversary to take certain actions, is more difficult than deterrence. Deterrence sets clear "red lines," while compellence requires a system of rewards and punishments to encourage or discourage specific behaviours. Secondly, coercive diplomacy is challenging to sustain over extended periods, especially when part of a multinational effort or campaign.
To navigate these complexities, Kanter suggests four primary guidelines for US policymakers when considering coercive diplomacy:
- Determine if the policy aligns with vital US interests (national security, economic, political, etc.) and justifies the potential losses of lives and resources.
- Assess if domestic political support can be sustained and effectively communicated to both domestic and international audiences to bolster support for coercive diplomatic actions.
- Develop clear criteria and internal decision-making systems to evaluate when coercive diplomacy is preferable to full-scale combat, ensuring its selective and justifiable application in foreign policy crises.
- Evaluate the adversary's moves and account for irrational actors, as a purely rational cost-benefit analysis may not accurately predict their behaviour.
In conclusion, while coercive diplomacy has been a go-to strategy for US policymakers, its effectiveness is questionable. Policymakers must carefully consider the challenges and guidelines outlined above to enhance the likelihood of success in their foreign policy endeavours.
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Frequently asked questions
Coercive diplomacy is a practice of conducting interstate relations, which involves achieving political objectives and fostering a state's national interest without waging a war. It involves the use of threats and incentives to persuade an adversary to comply with a demand.
Coercive diplomacy is important because it provides a means to achieve political objectives without resorting to war. It allows policymakers to deal with foreign policy challenges, including international humanitarian crises and human rights abuses.
Coercive diplomacy is challenging because it is difficult to sustain over long periods of time, especially when part of a multinational effort. It is also difficult to maintain political support for coercive diplomacy, and to judge its success.
Coercive diplomacy and brute force are different notions. While coercive diplomacy involves the use of threats and incentives to persuade an adversary, brute force involves the use of violence or military force.
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