The Constitution: War's Impact On Citizen Rights

why are people not protected from the constitution during wartime

The Constitution is supposed to govern in both war and peace, but in practice, the deprivation of individual liberty is a common occurrence during wartime. The power of Congress to punish seditious utterances in wartime is limited by the First Amendment, but the Court has also upheld a state law making it an offence for persons to advocate that citizens of the state should refuse to assist in prosecuting war against enemies of the United States. The most dramatic restraint of personal liberty imposed during World War II was the detention and relocation of Japanese residents of the Western states, including those who were native-born citizens. The Constitution does not follow advancing troops into conquered territory, and persons in such territory are subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President.

Characteristics Values
The Constitution does not follow advancing troops into conquered territory Persons in conquered territory are beyond the reach of constitutional limitations and subject to the laws of war
The deprivation of individual liberty The most dramatic restraint of personal liberty during World War II was the detention and relocation of Japanese residents of the Western states
The power of Congress to punish seditious utterances in wartime The Court affirmed conviction for violations of the Espionage Act of 1917
The protection of the officers and soldiers of the army The Court in Dow v. Johnson stated that the law which governs an army invading an enemy country is military law

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The Supreme Court found that the Constitution was written for both war and peace, and it's supposed to govern the same in both circumstances

However, there is debate about this point. For example, in Dow v. Johnson, the Court asked, "What is the law which governs an army invading an enemy's country? It is not the civil law of the invaded country; it is not the civil law of the conquering country; it is military law—the law of war—and its supremacy for the protection of the officers and soldiers of the army, when in service in the field in the enemy's country, is as essential to the efficiency of the army as the supremacy of the civil law at home, and, in time of peace, is essential to the preservation of liberty." This suggests that the Constitution does not follow the advancing troops into conquered territory, and persons in such territory are subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President.

Furthermore, the Court has also upheld a state law making it an offence for persons to advocate that citizens of the state should refuse to assist in prosecuting war against enemies of the United States. Justice Holmes stated the following: "When a nation is at war many things that might be said in time of peace are such a hindrance to its effort that their utterance will not be endured so long as men fight and that no Court could regard them as protected by any constitutional right."

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The Constitution does not follow advancing troops into conquered territory

It has been argued that the Constitution does not follow advancing troops into conquered territory. This means that people in conquered territory are not protected by constitutional limitations and are instead subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President.

In Dow v. Johnson, the Court asked: "What is the law which governs an army invading an enemy's country? It is not the civil law of the invaded country; it is not the civil law of the conquering country; it is military law—the law of war—and its supremacy for the protection of the officers and soldiers of the army, when in service in the field in the enemy’s country, is as essential to the efficiency of the army as the supremacy of the civil law at home, and, in time of peace, is essential to the preservation of liberty".

In a series of cases, the Court has affirmed that the power of Congress to punish seditious utterances in wartime is limited by the First Amendment. However, it has also upheld a state law making it an offence for persons to advocate that citizens of the state should refuse to assist in prosecuting war against enemies of the United States.

During World War II, the most dramatic restraint of personal liberty imposed was the detention and relocation of Japanese residents of the Western states, including those who were native-born citizens.

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The power of Congress to punish seditious utterances in wartime is limited by the First Amendment

The US Constitution is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times, and under all circumstances. However, the Constitution does not follow the advancing troops into conquered territory. Persons in such territory are held entirely beyond the reach of constitutional limitations and subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President.

Justice Holmes stated:

> When a nation is at war many things that might be said in time of peace are such a hindrance to its effort that their utterance will not be endured so long as men fight and that no Court could regard them as protected by any constitutional right.

The Sedition Act of 1918, an amendment to the Espionage Act, further infringed on First Amendment freedoms. The law prohibited uttering, printing, writing, or publishing any disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language intended to cause contempt, scorn, or hinder the prosecution of war.

The Supreme Court found that the Constitution was written for both war and peace, and it’s supposed to govern the same in both circumstances.

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The deprivation of individual liberty

During wartime, the power of Congress to punish seditious utterances and actions that hinder the war effort may supersede certain individual liberties. For example, during World War II, the detention and relocation of Japanese residents in the Western states, including native-born citizens, was a dramatic restraint of personal liberty. Additionally, the courts have upheld laws that make it an offence for persons to advocate that citizens refuse to assist in prosecuting war against enemies of the state.

In the context of advancing troops into conquered territory, it has been argued that the Constitution does not extend to these areas. As a result, persons in such territories are subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President, potentially without the protection of constitutional limitations. This raises questions about the deprivation of individual liberty for those affected.

The courts play a crucial role in protecting citizens from unconstitutional arrests and ensuring that individual liberties are respected, even during wartime. However, there may be instances where the courts side with the executive branch, as seen in the case of Ex parte Milligan, which found that the Constitution governs equally in war and peace. Nonetheless, the debate surrounding the protection of individual liberties during wartime remains complex and ongoing.

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The detention and relocation of Japanese residents of the Western states during World War II

The US Constitution is supposed to govern the same in both war and peace, protecting the rights of citizens at all times. However, the detention and relocation of Japanese residents of the Western states during World War II is an example of how people can be deprived of their constitutional rights during wartime.

The US government's decision to detain and relocate people of Japanese descent from the Pacific Coast military area was based on the perception of "public danger". This decision had severe economic consequences for those affected, as they had to leave their homes, businesses, and possessions behind. Many lost their savings and family-owned businesses, and Japanese American farmers suffered greatly due to their forced relocation.

The internment of Japanese Americans during World War II sparked constitutional and political debate. Three Japanese-American citizens, Gordon Hirabayashi, Fred Korematsu, and Mitsuye Endo, challenged the constitutionality of the forced relocation and curfew orders through legal actions. Hirabayashi and Korematsu received negative judgments, but Mitsuye Endo was eventually allowed to leave the Topaz, Utah facility after being deemed "loyal".

The government also promoted a campaign urging people who had been forcibly incarcerated to leave the confinement camps and resettle outside of the western states. This period in US history continues to be a subject of intense debate and reflection, with highly charged discussions over the terminology used to describe the events.

Frequently asked questions

Yes and no. The Constitution is supposed to govern the same in both war and peace, but there are certain issues that aren't given over wholesale to the executive branch. For example, the power of Congress to punish seditious utterances in wartime is limited by the First Amendment.

Persons in conquered territory are held entirely beyond the reach of constitutional limitations and subject to the laws of war as interpreted and applied by the Congress and the President.

The detention and relocation of the Japanese residents of the Western states, including those who were native-born citizens.

It is not the civil law of the invaded country, nor is it the civil law of the conquering country. It is military law, or the law of war.

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