Simone Lawson
The question of elitism in political philosophy is a contentious one, as many influential thinkers throughout history have been accused of holding views that favor a select few over the general population. From Plato's concept of the philosopher-king to Nietzsche's idea of the Übermensch, certain political philosophers have been criticized for promoting systems that prioritize the rule of an elite class, whether defined by intellect, birthright, or other criteria. These thinkers often argued that not all individuals are equally capable of governing or making sound decisions, and thus, society would be better served by entrusting power to a select group of individuals deemed superior in some way. As we explore the works of figures like Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, and others, it becomes clear that the tension between elitism and democracy has been a recurring theme in political philosophy, raising important questions about the nature of power, authority, and the common good.
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What You'll Learn
- Plato's Philosopher-Kings: Rule by the wise few, not the uneducated masses
- Aristotle's Natural Slaves: Hierarchy based on inherent intellectual superiority
- Machiavelli's Virtù: Effective leadership requires elite skill, not popular approval
- Hobbes's Sovereign Power: Absolute authority to prevent chaos, above the people
- Nietzsche's Übermensch: Superior individuals should dominate, not conform to equality
Plato's Philosopher-Kings: Rule by the wise few, not the uneducated masses
Plato, one of the most influential political philosophers in history, is often regarded as an elitist due to his concept of the "Philosopher-Kings" as outlined in his seminal work, *The Republic*. At the core of Plato’s political philosophy is the belief that society should be governed not by the will of the masses, but by a select few who possess the wisdom and intellectual capacity to rule justly. This idea stems from his conviction that the majority of people lack the knowledge and virtue necessary for effective governance, making them unfit to hold political power. Plato’s elitism is rooted in his theory of Forms, which posits that true knowledge is accessible only to those who have undergone rigorous intellectual and moral training.
In *The Republic*, Plato argues that the ideal state is one in which philosophers—those who have grasped the eternal Form of the Good—are the rulers. He calls these individuals "Philosopher-Kings," emphasizing their dual role as both lovers of wisdom and holders of political authority. Plato believed that philosophers, through their understanding of absolute truth and justice, are uniquely qualified to create laws and policies that align with the common good. In contrast, he viewed the uneducated masses as driven by ignorance, desire, and short-term interests, making them incapable of making rational decisions for society as a whole. This hierarchical vision of governance is inherently elitist, as it excludes the majority from political power and places it in the hands of a privileged few.
Plato’s justification for this elitist system lies in his analogy of the ship of state. He compares the governance of a state to a ship whose crew is in constant disagreement about its course. The crew, representing the uneducated masses, lacks the expertise to navigate effectively, leading to chaos and potential disaster. Plato argues that only a knowledgeable captain—the Philosopher-King—can steer the ship safely. This analogy underscores his belief that political leadership requires specialized knowledge and that entrusting it to the untrained masses is a recipe for instability and injustice. For Plato, the Philosopher-Kings are not merely intellectuals but individuals who have achieved moral and intellectual perfection, making them the only legitimate rulers.
Critics of Plato’s elitism argue that it undermines democratic principles and perpetuates inequality by concentrating power in the hands of a select group. However, Plato would counter that true democracy, as he saw it in Athens, was flawed because it allowed the uninformed and irrational to influence governance. He believed that the rule of the Philosopher-Kings would ensure justice and harmony, as their decisions would be guided by reason rather than popular opinion or personal gain. This vision, while idealistic, reflects Plato’s deep skepticism of the masses and his conviction that only the wise few can achieve a just society.
In conclusion, Plato’s concept of Philosopher-Kings embodies a profoundly elitist approach to political philosophy. By advocating for the rule of the wise few over the uneducated masses, he establishes a hierarchy based on intellectual and moral superiority. While this idea has been criticized for its exclusionary nature, it remains a cornerstone of political theory, highlighting the tension between elitism and democracy. Plato’s elitism is not merely a rejection of the masses but a call for a governance system rooted in knowledge, virtue, and the pursuit of the common good. His vision challenges us to consider the role of expertise and wisdom in leadership, even as we grapple with its implications for equality and participation in political life.
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Aristotle's Natural Slaves: Hierarchy based on inherent intellectual superiority
Aristotle, one of the most influential political philosophers in history, is often criticized for his elitist views, particularly in his concept of "natural slaves." In his work *Politics*, Aristotle argues that human beings are inherently unequal and that this inequality justifies a hierarchical social order. Central to this argument is the idea that some individuals are naturally suited to rule, while others are naturally suited to be ruled. Aristotle posits that certain people possess an inherent intellectual superiority, which qualifies them for leadership, while others lack this capacity and are thus destined for subservience. This distinction forms the basis of his theory of natural slavery, a concept that has been widely debated for its elitist implications.
Aristotle's notion of natural slaves is rooted in his observation of human capabilities and intellectual faculties. He claims that some individuals are born with the intellectual and moral capacities necessary for self-governance and decision-making, while others are inherently deficient in these areas. According to Aristotle, these intellectually inferior individuals are better off being guided by those with superior intellects, as they are incapable of rational self-direction. He compares this relationship to the natural order observed in other species, where some animals are leaders and others are followers. In this framework, natural slaves are not seen as oppressed but rather as fulfilling their natural role within the social hierarchy.
The elitist nature of Aristotle's argument lies in his assertion that intellectual superiority is the primary criterion for determining one's place in society. He believes that rulers should be chosen based on their inherent virtues and intellectual capacities, rather than through democratic processes or other means. This view reinforces a rigid social hierarchy, where the "naturally superior" are entitled to power and the "naturally inferior" are relegated to servitude. Critics argue that this perspective not only justifies inequality but also ignores the potential for education, environment, and opportunity to shape an individual's intellectual and moral development.
Furthermore, Aristotle's concept of natural slaves has been criticized for its dehumanizing implications. By categorizing certain individuals as inherently unfit for self-governance, he strips them of their agency and dignity. This elitist framework has been used historically to justify systems of oppression, such as chattel slavery and colonialism, where the ruling class claims intellectual and moral superiority over the subjugated. Aristotle's ideas, while rooted in his philosophical observations, have thus been weaponized to perpetuate hierarchies that benefit the powerful at the expense of the marginalized.
In conclusion, Aristotle's theory of natural slaves exemplifies an elitist worldview based on the idea of inherent intellectual superiority. His argument for a hierarchical social order, where rulers and ruled are determined by natural capacities, has had lasting implications for political philosophy. While Aristotle's contributions to ethics and governance are undeniable, his elitist views on natural slavery highlight the dangers of justifying inequality through claims of inherent difference. This aspect of his philosophy serves as a cautionary tale about the potential for even the most revered thinkers to perpetuate systems of oppression under the guise of natural order.
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Machiavelli's Virtù: Effective leadership requires elite skill, not popular approval
Niccolò Machiavelli, the renowned Italian political philosopher, is often regarded as one of the most prominent elitist thinkers in the history of political theory. His concept of *virtù*—a term central to his masterpiece *The Prince*—underscores the idea that effective leadership is rooted in elite skill, cunning, and strategic prowess rather than popular approval. Machiavelli’s *virtù* is not about moral virtue but about the qualities a leader must possess to maintain power and achieve political stability. This perspective firmly positions him as an elitist, as he prioritizes the capabilities of a skilled ruler over the whims of the masses.
Machiavelli’s argument for *virtù* is grounded in his pragmatic view of human nature and politics. He believed that people are inherently self-interested, fickle, and difficult to govern. In such a world, a leader cannot rely on the goodwill or approval of the populace to maintain control. Instead, the ruler must cultivate *virtù*—a combination of strength, intelligence, and strategic acumen—to navigate the complexities of political power. This includes the ability to make tough decisions, use force when necessary, and adapt to changing circumstances. For Machiavelli, the leader’s skill in wielding power is far more critical than their popularity, as the latter is fleeting and unreliable.
The elitist nature of Machiavelli’s thought is evident in his distinction between *virtù* and *fortuna* (fortune). While *fortuna* represents the unpredictable forces of chance, *virtù* is the leader’s ability to shape their destiny despite these forces. Machiavelli argues that great leaders are those who can bend *fortuna* to their will through their skill and foresight. This emphasis on the leader’s exceptional abilities reinforces the elitist notion that not everyone is capable of ruling effectively. Leadership, in Machiavelli’s view, is not a role suited for the average person but requires a rare combination of qualities that only a select few possess.
Critics often label Machiavelli as cynical or amoral due to his focus on *virtù* over ethical considerations. However, his elitism is rooted in a realistic assessment of political necessity. He believed that a leader’s primary duty is to ensure the stability and security of the state, even if it means employing methods that might be unpopular or morally questionable. For Machiavelli, the ends justify the means, and a leader’s success is measured by their ability to achieve and maintain power, not by their adherence to moral principles or public approval. This perspective starkly contrasts with democratic ideals but aligns with elitist philosophies that prioritize competence over consensus.
In conclusion, Machiavelli’s concept of *virtù* encapsulates his elitist belief that effective leadership demands elite skill rather than popular approval. His focus on the ruler’s ability to navigate political challenges, control *fortuna*, and prioritize state stability over moral or public considerations marks him as a quintessential elitist philosopher. While his ideas may seem harsh or undemocratic, they offer a pragmatic framework for understanding the realities of power and governance. Machiavelli’s *virtù* remains a cornerstone of elitist political thought, emphasizing the unique qualities required to lead in a complex and unpredictable world.
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Hobbes's Sovereign Power: Absolute authority to prevent chaos, above the people
Thomas Hobbes, a 17th-century English philosopher, is renowned for his elitist political theory, particularly his concept of the "Sovereign Power," which advocates for absolute authority to prevent chaos and maintain order. In his seminal work, *Leviathan*, Hobbes argues that human nature is inherently self-interested and competitive, leading to a "state of war" in the absence of a central authority. To escape this chaotic condition, individuals enter into a social contract, voluntarily surrendering their natural freedoms to a sovereign power—be it a monarch or an assembly—that holds absolute authority. This sovereign, according to Hobbes, must be above the people and unchallenged, as any division of power or limitation on the sovereign's authority would risk returning society to disorder.
Hobbes's elitism is evident in his insistence that the sovereign's power must be unchecked and indivisible. He rejects the idea of popular sovereignty or power-sharing, arguing that such arrangements would lead to conflict and instability. The sovereign, in Hobbes's view, is not a servant of the people but rather their protector, with the sole authority to make and enforce laws, declare war, and control religious and educational institutions. This concentration of power is justified by the need to ensure stability and prevent the fragmentation of society. Hobbes's elitism lies in his belief that the masses are incapable of self-governance and require the firm hand of an absolute authority to avoid descending into chaos.
The absolute authority of the sovereign, in Hobbes's framework, is not derived from the consent of the governed but from the social contract itself. Once established, the sovereign's power is irrevocable, and subjects are obligated to obey, even if the sovereign's actions are unjust or unpopular. This is because Hobbes prioritizes order over liberty, arguing that the alternative to absolute sovereignty is the far greater evil of civil war and perpetual fear. His elitist stance is further underscored by his skepticism of democracy, which he views as inherently unstable and prone to factionalism. For Hobbes, only a single, unchallenged authority can provide the security and predictability necessary for human flourishing.
Critics of Hobbes's theory often highlight its authoritarian and anti-egalitarian implications. By placing the sovereign above the law and beyond accountability, Hobbes's system risks tyranny and the abuse of power. However, Hobbes would counter that the primary duty of the sovereign is to ensure peace and security, and that a just sovereign would act in the common interest. Nonetheless, his insistence on absolute authority and his distrust of popular participation in governance firmly place him among the elitist political philosophers. Hobbes's sovereign power is not merely a practical solution to the problem of chaos but a philosophical endorsement of hierarchical rule as the only viable form of political organization.
In conclusion, Hobbes's concept of sovereign power exemplifies elitist political philosophy through its advocacy for absolute, indivisible authority as the sole means to prevent chaos. His belief in the necessity of a sovereign above the people, unbound by laws or popular will, reflects a profound distrust of the masses and a commitment to order at the expense of individual liberty. While Hobbes's theory provides a compelling response to the challenges of human conflict, its elitist underpinnings remain a subject of debate and criticism. His work continues to influence discussions on the balance between authority and freedom, highlighting the enduring tension between stability and democratic ideals.
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Nietzsche's Übermensch: Superior individuals should dominate, not conform to equality
Friedrich Nietzsche’s concept of the *Übermensch* (often translated as "Overman" or "Superman") is a cornerstone of his philosophy and a prime example of elitist thought in political philosophy. Nietzsche argued that society is inherently hierarchical and that superior individuals—those who embody exceptional creativity, willpower, and vision—should dominate rather than conform to the mediocrity of equality. The *Übermensch* represents the ideal of self-transcendence, where an individual overcomes societal norms, moral constraints, and the "herd mentality" to achieve greatness. Nietzsche believed that such individuals are not bound by conventional morality but instead create their own values, thereby becoming the driving force of human progress.
Nietzsche’s elitism is rooted in his critique of modernity, democracy, and the rise of egalitarianism, which he saw as leveling forces that stifle exceptional talent. In *Thus Spoke Zarathustra*, he famously declares, "Man is something to be overcome." This statement reflects his belief that the masses, whom he often referred to as the "last men," are content with comfort, security, and conformity, thus hindering the emergence of truly great individuals. For Nietzsche, equality is not a virtue but a danger, as it diminishes the potential for human excellence by treating all individuals as inherently equal in value and capability. He argued that the *Übermensch* must rise above this egalitarian ethos to impose their will and shape the future.
The dominance of the *Übermensch* is not merely about power for its own sake but about the creation of new values and the advancement of humanity. Nietzsche rejected the Christian and Enlightenment ideals of humility, meekness, and universal equality, which he saw as life-denying and conducive to mediocrity. Instead, he championed the will to power—the drive to assert oneself and achieve greatness—as the fundamental force of life. The *Übermensch* embodies this will to power, using it to challenge existing norms and create a new moral order. In this sense, Nietzsche’s elitism is not about oppression but about the liberation of exceptional individuals to fulfill their potential and lead humanity forward.
Critics of Nietzsche’s *Übermensch* often associate it with authoritarianism or fascism, arguing that his ideas justify the rule of a self-proclaimed elite over the masses. However, Nietzsche himself was critical of nationalism and mass movements, which he saw as manifestations of herd behavior. His elitism is deeply individualistic, focusing on personal achievement and self-overcoming rather than collective dominance. The *Übermensch* is not a ruler in the traditional sense but a creator and innovator who transcends the limitations of society. Nietzsche’s vision is thus more about the cultivation of excellence than the establishment of a political hierarchy.
In conclusion, Nietzsche’s *Übermensch* represents a radical elitist philosophy that challenges the modern commitment to equality. By advocating for the dominance of superior individuals, Nietzsche seeks to overturn the leveling forces of democracy and egalitarianism, which he believes stifle human potential. His idea is not a call for tyranny but a provocation to rethink the value of excellence and the role of exceptional individuals in shaping society. Whether one agrees with Nietzsche or not, his concept of the *Übermensch* remains a powerful and controversial contribution to the discourse on elitism in political philosophy.
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Frequently asked questions
An elitist political philosopher is one who believes that a small, privileged group or class should hold power or influence in society due to their superior abilities, knowledge, or status.
Plato is frequently considered elitist for his idea in *The Republic* that society should be governed by philosopher-kings, a select group of individuals with the highest intellectual and moral qualifications.
Machiavelli is sometimes viewed as elitist for his focus on the actions of powerful rulers in *The Prince*, though his emphasis on pragmatism and maintaining power rather than moral superiority complicates this label.
Yes, John Calvin’s theology, which influenced political thought, included elitist elements through his concept of the elect—a predestined group of individuals chosen by God, which mirrored a hierarchical societal structure.
Michael Oakeshott is sometimes criticized for elitist tendencies due to his skepticism of mass democracy and his emphasis on the importance of tradition and educated elites in maintaining social order.
