Isabella Carter
The American Constitution is the supreme law of the United States and was signed in 1787. The Italian philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli, born in 1469, is considered the father of modern political philosophy and has influenced generations of politicians and academics. Machiavelli's works, particularly 'The Prince' and 'Discourses on Livy', have sparked debates about their influence on the American Constitution. While some argue that Machiavelli's ideas paved the way for modern republicanism and influenced the Constitution's framers, others view him as an exponent of ruthless politics rejected by the American Founders. This paragraph introduces the topic and explores the potential influence of Machiavelli's ideas on the American Constitution, setting the stage for a deeper exploration of their connection.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Influence on Enlightenment authors | Jean-Jacques Rousseau, James Harrington |
| Influence on academics and politicians | Otto von Bismarck |
| Influence on American Constitution framers | John Pocock, Paul Rahe |
| Machiavelli's view of constitutional rules | "Presume that all men are bad by nature" |
| Machiavelli's view of the common people | "No republic ever yet stood on a stable foundation without satisfying the common people" |
| Machiavelli's view of aristocracy | Tied to wealth rather than to formal titles |
| Machiavelli's view of the role of luck in events | The ruler must consider the role of luck, particularly in war |
| Machiavelli's view of coercion and legality | "Since there cannot be good laws without good arms, I will not consider laws but speak of arms" |
| Machiavelli's view of the relationship between the prince and the people | "The prince’s wise practice of statecraft will bring prosperity, which the citizens will defend vigorously, if needed" |
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What You'll Learn
Machiavelli's influence on the Founding Fathers
Niccolò Machiavelli was a Florentine diplomat, author, philosopher, and historian who lived during the Italian Renaissance. He is best known for his political treatise "The Prince" ("Il Principe"), written around 1513 but not published until 1532, five years after his death. Machiavelli's works have been a major influence on generations of academics and politicians. His political philosophy has been compared to the Realpolitik of figures such as Otto von Bismarck.
During the debates over the American Constitution in 1787 and 1788, Hamilton and Madison used several essays to counter Anti-Federalist objections to a standing army as a tool of tyranny. They drew on Machiavelli's instruction that a ruler must consider the role of luck in events, especially in war, personified by the Roman goddess Fortuna. Machiavelli's recognition that the fate of the prince and the people are intertwined also influenced the Founding Fathers. James Madison, for example, wrote that the happiness of the people of America was paramount, reflecting Machiavelli's view that a wise prince will bring prosperity, which the citizens will defend.
Machiavelli's observations on aristocracy and the common people also influenced the Founding Fathers. John Francis Mercer, a representative of Maryland at the Constitutional Convention, quoted Machiavelli's view that aristocracy is tied to wealth rather than formal titles and that liberty and power reside with the people. Similarly, Mercy Otis Warren, a historian and essayist, shared Machiavelli's bias in favour of the common people, citing his belief that "no republic ever yet stood on a stable foundation without satisfying the common people."
Overall, Machiavelli's political realism and his ideas on the role of the ruler, the importance of the common people, and the interplay of law and force had a notable influence on the Founding Fathers of the United States as they shaped the American Constitution.
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Machiavelli's views on the role of luck
Machiavelli's views on luck, or fortune, are well documented in his works, particularly in Chapter 25 of The Prince, titled "What Fortune Can Effect in Human Affairs, and How to Withstand Her". In this chapter, Machiavelli acknowledges the role of fortune or luck in human affairs, stating that at least half of all events exist outside of our control. However, he also emphasizes that the other half can be manipulated through our own skill and virtu, or virtue.
Machiavelli uses the metaphor of Fortuna, the Roman goddess of luck and fate, to represent the capricious and unpredictable nature of fortune. He suggests that while Fortuna cannot be tamed, her capriciousness can be calmed by the ruler's virtu. This includes qualities such as courage, prudence, and risk-taking. Machiavelli advises rulers to court Fortuna constantly and take calculated risks to make their own luck. He warns against relying solely on luck, as a ruler who coasts along without planning is headed for ruin when their luck runs out. Instead, Machiavelli recommends adaptability and flexibility in behaviour as keys to success. By changing one's behaviour and adapting to the changing circumstances, one can endure bad luck and turn it into good.
Machiavelli also recognized the importance of pre-planning and foresight as tools against chance. He argues that a prince should never become complacent during peaceful or prosperous times but should always anticipate future threats and be prepared for war. By doing so, a prince can endure bad luck and maintain their legitimacy in the eyes of the people. A consistently "lucky" prince, one who is able to adapt and make their own luck, will be seen as beyond ordinary men, creating a sense of legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
In summary, Machiavelli viewed luck as a significant factor in human affairs, but he also emphasized the importance of individual skill, virtue, and adaptability in shaping one's fortune. By understanding and applying Machiavelli's principles of foresight and adaptability, individuals can thrive despite the challenges and uncertainties that life may bring.
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Machiavelli's republicanism
In "The Discourses", Machiavelli discusses the principles of republican rule through a commentary on the work of the famous historian of the Roman Republic, Titus Livy. This work highlights Machiavelli's distinction between a minimal and a full conception of "political" or "civil" order, constructing a hierarchy of ends within his general account of communal life. A minimal constitutional order, according to Machiavelli, involves subjects living securely under a strong government that controls both the nobility and the people, while also being balanced by legal and institutional mechanisms. This work also reflects his admiration for republican Rome and his emphasis on the need for constant "rebirth" to maintain this system.
Machiavelli's influence on the American Constitution is evident in the debates during its formation. John Adams, in "A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America", echoed Machiavelli's concern about the corruption of republican character and the need for internal reforms to preserve the republic. Adams also cited Machiavelli's rule that constitution-makers must "presume that all men are bad by nature", implying that constitutional rules should be drafted assuming people will act immorally.
Furthermore, during the debates over the American Constitution, Anti-Federalists objected to a standing army as a tool of tyranny. This aligns with Machiavelli's instruction that rulers must consider the role of luck, or Fortuna, in events, especially in war. While Machiavelli recognised free will, he also believed that luck played a significant role in outcomes, and a wise ruler would need to court Fortuna to maintain power.
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Machiavelli's views on the use of force
While it is difficult to ascertain exactly how much the American Constitution was influenced by Machiavelli, his ideas were certainly referenced during the debates over the American Constitution in 1787 and 1788. Machiavelli's views on the use of force are therefore relevant to understanding the potential influence of his ideas on the Constitution.
Machiavelli is known for his treatise, "The Prince", which has been described as proposing a radical political realism, where any means are justified to secure and consolidate power. This has led to speculation about whether he was an amoral cynic who scorned Christian ethics. However, Machiavelli was a Christian and believed in free will. He recognised that fortune or luck plays a role in events, particularly in war, but also emphasised the importance of skill in warfare.
Machiavelli's view of the prince or ruler is key to understanding his ideas on the use of force. He distinguishes between a king and a tyrant, with the latter having risen to power outside the customary process. A prince who is consistently lucky will be seen as beyond ordinary men, which creates legitimacy in the eyes of the people. Machiavelli also believed that the fate of the prince and the people are tied together, and that the wise practice of statecraft by the prince will bring prosperity, which the citizens will defend.
In terms of the use of force, Machiavelli recognised the judicious use of violence when needed to maintain the government. He also advised that constitution-makers should "presume that all men are bad by nature", and thus constitutional rules must be drafted on the assumption that people will act badly. This view was shared by Mercy Otis Warren, who wrote essays opposing the Constitution under the pen name "A Columbian Patriot". She also cited Machiavelli's belief that "no republic ever yet stood on a stable foundation without satisfying the common people".
Overall, Machiavelli's views on the use of force seem to be pragmatic and focused on maintaining power and ensuring the prosperity of the people. While he recognised the importance of luck, he also emphasised the role of skill and the need to take precautions to resist the forces of fortune.
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Machiavelli's views on the common people
In his famous treatise "The Prince", Machiavelli advises rulers to prioritise being feared over being loved by the people. He argues that humans are inherently ungrateful, fickle, and self-interested, and thus a ruler who relies solely on the love of their people is vulnerable. Fear, on the other hand, ensures obedience and security. This view has earned him criticism, with some accusing him of endorsing immoralism or amoralism, and even labelling him a "teacher of evil".
However, Machiavelli's views on the common people are not solely negative. He recognises the importance of public speech and debate in the republican public sphere. In his "Discourses", he elevates the role of the people in determining the best course of action and selecting the most qualified leaders. He believes that the people are better judges of character than princes and are more easily persuaded to act in the common good. For example, a corrupt prince may be easily persuaded to appoint an infamous individual to office, while the people would never be persuaded to do so. Machiavelli also acknowledges the active role of the people in maintaining public liberty, arguing that their speech and persuasion are crucial to resolving conflicts and achieving the common good.
Machiavelli also discusses the relationship between the prince and the people, recognising that their fates are ultimately intertwined. A wise prince who practices good statecraft will bring prosperity, which the citizens will defend. This pragmatic view is supported by historical examples, such as the increased legitimacy bestowed upon a "lucky" prince by the people. Additionally, Machiavelli highlights the importance of military preparedness among the subjects, arguing that the liberty of a state depends on it. He criticises the disarmament of the people, believing that it leads to a loss of liberty and makes the state weak.
In the context of the American Constitution, some have argued that Machiavelli's influence can be seen in the recognition that constitutional rules must assume the potential for immoral behaviour. John Adams, for example, cited Machiavelli's rule that "all men are bad by nature", which contradicted the common claim that the Constitution was intended only for a moral people. Additionally, during the debates over the Constitution, the Anti-federalists' objection to a standing army as a tool of tyranny aligned with Machiavelli's instruction on the judicious use of violence to maintain government.
In conclusion, Machiavelli's views on the common people are multifaceted. While he advises rulers to prioritise fear over love, he also recognises the importance of the people's active participation in public life, their role in maintaining liberty, and the interconnectedness of their fate with that of the ruler. His influence on the American Constitution can be seen in the recognition of human fallibility and the importance of maintaining a balance of power.
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Frequently asked questions
Machiavelli is known for his work on principalities, with his most famous work being 'The Prince'. His works were a major influence on Enlightenment authors who revived interest in classical republicanism. Machiavelli's political realism has continued to influence generations of academics and politicians. His ideas were also cited during the debates over the American Constitution in 1787 and 1788.
Machiavelli's ideas were referenced by both supporters and opponents of the American Constitution. For example, John Francis Mercer, who represented Maryland at the Constitutional Convention, quoted Machiavelli's view that "aristocracy is tied to wealth rather than to formal titles". He also cited Machiavelli's support for the common people as "the only safe depository of liberty and power". Adams, in 'A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America', agreed with Machiavelli's view that "constitution-makers must presume that all men are bad by nature".
Machiavelli's political theory excludes issues of moral authority and legitimacy from political decision-making. He argues that "good laws and good arms constitute the dual foundations of a well-ordered political system" and that "valid law rests entirely upon the threat of coercive force". The American Constitution, on the other hand, reflects a more modern political thought, aiming for a stable constitutional regime, which is not a prominent feature in Machiavelli's conception of princely government.
